By Ann M. Little

In 1678, the Puritan minister Samuel Nowell preached a sermon he referred to as "Abraham in Arms," within which he instructed his listeners to recollect that "Hence it's no wayes unbecoming a Christian to benefit to be a Souldier." The identify of Nowell's sermon was once good selected. Abraham of the outdated testomony resonated deeply with New England males, as he embodied the perfect of the householder-patriarch, without delay obedient to God and the unquestioned chief of his relatives and his humans in battle and peace. but enemies challenged Abraham's authority in New England: Indians threatened the protection of his loved ones, subordinates in his family threatened his prestige, and other halves and daughters taken into captivity turned baptized Catholics, married French or Indian males, and refused to come to New England.In a daring reinterpretation of the years among 1620 and 1763, Ann M. Little finds how principles approximately gender and relatives existence have been valuable to the methods humans in colonial New England, and their pals in New France and Indian state, defined their reviews in cross-cultural battle. Little argues that English, French, and Indian humans had generally related principles approximately gender and authority. simply because they understood either struggle and political energy to be intertwined expressions of manhood, colonial conflict will be understood as a competition of other types of masculinity. for brand spanking new England males, what had as soon as been a masculinity in response to loved ones headship, Christian piety, and the obligation to guard relatives and religion grew to become one equipped round the extra summary notions of British nationalism, anti-Catholicism, and soldiering for the Empire.Based on archival examine in either French and English resources, court docket files, captivity narratives, and the personal correspondence of ministers and struggle officers, Abraham in fingers reconstructs colonial New England as a frontier borderland during which spiritual, cultural, linguistic, and geographic obstacles have been permeable, fragile, and contested through Europeans and Indians alike.

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He stopped dancing only when " [alt last they brake the bones of his Legs, after which he was forced to sit down, which 'tis said he silently did, till they had knockt out his brains. "62 Indian men had no use for the emotional displays of European men when they witnessed such scenes, let alone when they were the victims of the torture and ritual execution, and the English men here were clearly disturbed by what they saw as the extreme cruelty of the Indians. As with Captain Underhill's experiences going into battle on Block Island, Mohegan and English men completely misinterpreted each other's performances of masculine worthiness.

41 The English men involved in the Pequot War were generally impressed by the professed willingness of their Mohegan allies to join the fight, and by their pledges of brave soldiering. Some English reports emphasize the willingness of the allied Indians to put themselves under English command, as in Underhill's discussion of the Mohegan alliance: "These earnest to joyne with the English, Indians were or at least to bee under their conduct . . " Presumably, this supposed willingness to accept English notions of hierarchy, with English leadership on top, made the Mohegans very appeal­ ing allies.

Of the small number of Connecticut and New Haven men whose inventories showed no signs of weaponry, nearly half of these records looked like they described the con- "You dare not fight" 27 tents of a sea chest rather than the necessary items for keeping a house and farm; these men were therefore probably mariners, day laborers, or servants rather than householders, and so would not have been required to keep their own arms. 32 Furthermore, New England men seem to have held their guns in spe­ cial regard, as they were one of the very few moveables men mentioned specifically in their wills and designated for a particular male legatee.

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